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THE ELECTOR'S 



POLITICAL CATECHISM. 



COMPILED AND ADAPTED BY 



RICHARD JOHN WICKSTEED 




OTTAWA : 
Printed hy the Citizen Printing and Publishing Company, 31 Metcalfe Street. 




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THE ELECTOR'S ^-LCfT 



POLITICAL CATECHISM 



COMPILED AND ADAPTED BY 



RICHARD JOHN W1CKSTEED 




OTTAWA : 
Printed by the Citizen Printing and Publishing Company, 31 Metcalfe Strep;. 

1885. 



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QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 



PREFACE. 

A perverted and excessive action of party spirit and self interest is equally 
vicious, either in members of Parliament or electors. Men should not go into 
parliament to vote for their own interests and the interests of their order or party in 
a spirit which, if accurately examined, amounts to corruption. The elector and 
legislator should act as pure-mindedly as the judge; and considering the weighty 
interests confided to his keeping, he ought equally to resist the slightest tendency to 
improper bias. Yet so established has become the habit of admitting improper bias that 
ii is recognized as a matter of course, and by the consequent re-action between party and 
party, it is considered almost unavoidable on one side in order to counteract and 
check the dishonest influences exerted by the opposing party. This js very sad. I 
believe it is unnnecessary. I feel sure, not only that it would be possible, but that it 
ought not to be very difficult to elevate our elector and legislator to the judge 
standard, and to bring about the recognition of the principle that a vote at the polls 
or in parliament, influenced by undue considerations is as much an act of immorality 
as a corrupt decision by a judge. 

What I deprecate must ha\^ its cause in the ignorance of the great mass of the 
electors as to the constitution of Canada, and their duties and responsibilities as 
citizens, and the non-recognition by them of those qualities in candidates which alone 
render a man fit or worthy to serve in parliament, the local legislatures, corporation 
councils, and, in fact, any representative body. 

The production of this pamphlet is the outcome of a sincere desire to be of 
service to my fellow-countrymen in giving useful information on those points, on 
which they may not be well informed. 

My object is to be useful; I believe that the position I have taken is unassailable 
from its truth, and hope to be credited with having spoken this truth in love. If it 
touches any conscience, "let the galled jade wince." If no one feels that my 
philippic applies to himself, " why then my taxing like a wild goose flies, unclaimed 
by any man." 

As to the correctness oi the answers in this Political Catechism, my authorities 
are to be found in the Appendix to it, and I can only repeat what I wrote in my 
work on The Canadian Militia, published in 1875: "We cannot claim even the 
merit of originality in these pages of ours; many of the thoughts have suggested 
themselves to others, and have been expressed by other pens; we have but acted the 
part of the cabinet-maker, who, selecting the various woods to produce the best 
effect in a determined end, works up, dovetails and polishes the blocks he starts 
with." 

R. J. WICKSTEED. 
Ottawa, 29th January, 1885. 



231487 



THE ELECTOR'S 



POLITICAL CATECHISM. 



Question. What is your name and state of life ? 

Answer. I am A. B , an elector of the Dominion of Canada, 
a colony of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, 
and a subject of Her Britannic Majesty. 

Q. What privileges do you enjoy by being an elector of 
Canada ? 

A. By being an elector of Canada. I am a greater man in my 
civil capacity than the greatest subject of an arbitrary prince : 
because I am governed by laws to which I give my consent, — 
and my life, liberty or goods cannot be taken from me but 
according to these laws. 1 am a freeman. 

Q. Who gave you this liberty ? 

A. No man gave it me. Liberty is the natural right of 
every human creature ; he is born to the exercise of it as soon as 
he has attained to that of his reason. But that my liberty is 
preserved to me, when lost to a great part of mankind, is owing, 
under God, to the wisdom and valour of my ancestors. 

Q. Wherein does this liberty, which you enjoy, consist ? 

A. In laws made by the consent' ot the people, and the due 
execution of those laws. I am free not from the law but by the 
law. 

Q. Will you stand fast in this liberty, whereunto you are 
born and entitled by the laws of your country ? 

A. Yes; I will. And I am thankful that I am born a mem- 
ber of a community governed by laws and not by arbitrary 
power. 



Q. What do you think is incumbent upon 5 you! to secure 
this blessing to yourself and posterity '. 

A. As I am an elector I think it incumbent upon- me to 
believe aright concerning the fundamental constitution of the 
governments to which I am subject; to write, speak and act on all 
occasions conformably to this belief; to oppose, with all 
the powers of my body and mind, such as aie enemies of our 
good constitution, together with all their secret and open abettors ; 
and to be obedient to the Queen of England, the Supreme 
Magistrate of this Dominion. 

Q. As you are living in Ontario, one of the Provinces com- 
posing the Dominion of Canada, to what laws are you subject ? 

A. While I am a citizen of the Province of Ontario, and 
subject to the laws enacted by the Provincial Legislature, I am 
at the same time a citizen of the Dominion of Canada, and 
bound to obey the laws made by the Central or Federal Parlia- 
ment. 

Q. Do you know how the legislative powers are distributed 
between the Central Parliament or the Parliament of Canada, 
and the Local or Provincial Legislature of Ontario ? 

A. The exclusive legislative authority of the Parliament 
of Canada extends to ail questions of the public debt or property ; 
all regulations with regard to trade or commerce, customs or 
excise; the raising of revenue b} 7 any mode or system of tax- 
ation : all provisions as to currency, coinage, banking, postal 
arrangements, and generally to all matters which affect or relate 
the welfare and good government of the Dominion, and the 
enactment of criminal law. The subjects reserved to the 
Provincial Legislatures are all of a subordinate and sectional 
character, such as the sale and management of the public lands ; 
the control of hospitals and asylums, charitable and municipal 
institutions, and the raising of money by direct taxation for 
provincial use. There is also a concurrent power of legislation 
cised by the Federal Parliament and the Provincial Legisla- 
tvrre. It extends orer three separate subjects, namely : immi- 
ut ion, agriculture and public works. 



Q. Can you describe to me the constitution of the Parliament 
of Canada, and that of the Legislature of Ontario ? 

A. All the Federal Legislative powers granted under the 
Imperial British North America Acts of 1867 and 1871, and 
" The Parliament of Canada Act, 1875" are vested in one Parlia- 
ment for Canada, consisting of the Queen, an Upp^r House styled 
the Senate, and the House of Commons. The Provincial Legisla- 
tive power, so far as I am concerned, resides in the Legislature 
for Ontario, consisting of the Lieutenant-Governor, and of one 
House, styled the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. 

Q. Rehearse the articles of your political creed, as a citizen 
of Canada ? 

A. I believe that the supreme or legislative power of this 
Dominion, in the subject matters over which it has jurisdiction, 
resides in the Queen, the Senate and the Commons ; that Her 
Majesty Queen Victoria, is Sovereign or Supreme Executor of 
the law, to whom, upon that account, all loyalty is due ; that each 
of the three branches of the Legislature is endowed with its 
particular rights and offices ; that the Queen, by her royal 
prerogative, has the power of determining the time and place of 
meeting of Parliaments ; that the consent of the Queen — that is, 
of the Governor-General, acting on behalf and in the name of 
Her Majesty, — the Senate and the Commons is necessary to the 
enactment of a law, and that all the three make but one law- 
giver : — that as to the freedom of consent in the making of laws, 
these three powers are independent ; and that each and all the 
three are bound to observe the laws that are made. 

Q. Rehearse the articles of your political creed as a citizen 
of Ontario 1 

A. I believe that the Legislature of the Province of Ontario 
may exclusively make laws in matters coming within the classes 
of subjects which I have before enumerated, and which are 
specially assigned to its jurisdiction. The Legislature for Ontario 
consists of a Lieutenant-Governor and of one House, called the 
Legislative Assembly of Ontario. The Lieutenant-Governor is 



appointed by, and holds office during the pleasure of the 
Governor-General subject to the provisions of the Constitutional 
Act. As regards its rights, privileges, and duties the Legislature 
of Ontario, within its limited sphere of action, resembles the 
Parliament of Canada. 

Q. Why is the legislative power supreme ? 

A. Because what gives law to all must be supreme. 

Q. What do you mean b}' loyalty to the Queen ? 

A. I have heard that loy or loi signifies law, and loyalty, 
obedience according to law. Therefore, he who pays this obedi- 
ence is a loyal subject ; and he who executes the Queen's 
commands when contrary to law, is disloyal and a traitor. 

Q. Is it not in the law that the Queen, or the Governor- 
General, as her representative, can do no wrong ? 

A. It is ; but since the Governor does not act immediately 
by himself, but mediately by his officers and inferior magistrates, 
the wisdom of the law provides sufficiently against any undue 
exercise of his power by charging all illegal acts, and all kinds 
of mal-administration upon his ministers, laying him under an 
indisputable obligation not to screen his ministers from public 
justice or public enquiry. The function of advising the Governor 
in the government of the Dominion is now discharged, as to all 
important matters of state, by a select portion ot the Privy 
Council called the Cabinet Council, who, after being sworn in as 
Privy Councillors, receive their appointment to the principal 
offices of state as being leading members of the political party 
having the majority in the House of Commons. This Cabinet 
Council, or Ministry, practically administers the Government, 
and the Ministers become responsible for its measures, resigning 
their office if the Governor does not follow their advice, or if 
their politicial party ceases to be in the majority in the House 
of Commons. In this way is the responsibility brought home to 
the executive department, and harmony of action established 
between the executive and legislative branches of the Govern- 
ment and in this way the House of Commons is able to exer 
a control over all the departments of the executive administration. 



Q. What do you mean by the Royal prerogative ? 

A. A discretionary power in the Queen, or her representa- 
tive, to act for the good of the people where the laws are silent ; 
never contrary to law and always subject to the limitations of 
law. 

Q. Is not then the Queen above the law ? 

A. By no means ; for the intention of government being the 
security of the lives, liberties and properties of the members of 
the community, they never can be supposed, by the law of nature, 
to give an arbitrary power over their persons and estates. The 
Queen can have no power but what is given her by law ; even 
the supreme or legislative power is bound, by the rules of equity, 
to govern by laws enacted and published in due form ; — for what 
is not so authorized is arbitrary. 

Q. How comes it that those who endeavour to destroy the 
authority and independence ot any of the branches of the legis- 
lature, attempt to subvert the constitution ? 

A. By the fundamental laws of our constitution, the free 
and impartial consent of each of the three branches is 
necessary to the being of a law ; therefore, if the consent of 
any of the three is wilfully omitted, or obtained by terror or 
corruption, the constitution is violated ; as instead of three there 
would then be leally and effectually but one branch of the 
legislature. 

Q. Can you give me an instance where the form of govern- 
ment was kept and yet the constitution destroyed ? 

A. Yes. The forms of the free government of Rome were 
preserved under the arbitrary government of the Emperors. 
There was a Senate, Consuls and Tribunes of the people, — as 
one might say Queen, Lords and Commons ; and yet the govern- 
ment under the Emperors was always despotic, and often tyran- 
nical; and the worst of all governments is tvranny sanctified 
by the appearance of law. 

Q. By what means fell that great people into this state of 
slavery ? 



A. By faction, corruption and standing armies. 

Q. What do you learn from history ? 

A. That a Sovereign of this realm, in the full possession .of 
the affection of his people, is greater than any arbitrary Prince; 
and that the British nation or the Colonies can never be effectu- 
ally undone but by a wicked parliament ; and lastly to be thankful 
to God, that, under our Most Gracious Queen, our constitution is 
preserved entire, though, at the same time, there are many 
circumstances which call loudly for vigilance. 

Q. What are those ? 

A. Such as have been the forerunners and causes of the loss 
of liberty in other countries : namely, decay of virtue and public 
spirit, luxury and extravagance in expenditure, venality and 
corruption in private and public affairs, 

Q. How may there be a decay of public spirit when 
there is a more than usual desire to serve the public ? 

A. If a desire to live upon the public be public spirit 
there is enough of it at a time^ when private extravagance 
makes people crave more, and the administration of an increased 
and increasing public revenue enables the Government to give 
more. 

Q. What do you fear from this ? 

A. That such as serve the Ministry for reward may in time 
sacrifice the interest of their country to their wants; that greedi- 
ness of public money may produce a slavish complaisance as long 
as the Crown can pay, and mutin}^ when it cannot; and, in 
general, that motives of self-interest will prove an improper and 
weak foundation for our duty to our Queen and country. 

Q. What would you do for your country ? 

A. I would die to procure its prosperity, and I would rather 
that my children were cut off than that they should be slaves ; 
but as Provid* nee at present requires none of these sacrifices, I 
content myself to discharge the ordinary duties of my station, 
and to cxhoii my neighbours to do the Name 



Q. What are the duties of your station ? 

A. To endeavour, so far as T am able, to preserve the public 
tranquility, and, as I am an elector, to give my vote for the 
candidate whom I judge most worthy to serve his country, for, 
if from any partial motive I should give my vote for one 
unworthy, I should think myself justly chargeable with his 
guilt. 

Q. You have perhaps but one vote in two thousand, and 
the member perhaps one of two hundred more — then your share 
of the guilt is but small ? 

A. As he who assists at a murder is guilty of murder, so he 
who acts the lowest part in the enslaving of his country is guilty 
of a much greater crime than murder. 

Q. Is enslaving one's country a greater crime than murder ? 

A. Yes; inasmuch as the murder of human nature is a 
greater crime than the murder of a human creature, or as he 
who debases and renders miserable the mass of mankind is 
more wicked than he who cuts off an individual. 

Q. Does -not the tranquility occasioned by absolute mon- 
archy make a country thrive ? 

A. Peace and plenty are not the genuine fruits of absolute 
monarchy, for absolute monarchies are more subject to convul- 
sions than free governments, and slavery turns fruitful plains 
into a desert; whereas libert} T , like the dew from heaven, fructi- 
fies the barren mountains. Therefore 1 should reckon m} T self 
guilty of the greatest crime human nature is capable of if I were 
in any way accessory to the enslaving of my country. Though 
I have but one vote, many units make a number; and if every 
elector should reason after the same manner — that he has but 
one vote — what must become of the whole ? A law of great conse- 
quence, and the election of the member who votes for that law, 
may be both carried by one vote. Great and important S3rvices 
for the liberties of their country have been done by individual 
men. 



Q. Is it not lawful, then, to take a bribe from a person 
otherwise worthy to serve his country ? 

A. No more than for a judge to take a bribe for a righteous 
sentence ; nor is it any more lawful to corrupt, than to commit 
evil that good may come of it. Corruption converts a good 
action into wickedness. Bribery of all sorts is contrary to the 
law of God ; it is a heinous sin, often punished with the severest 
judgments ; and is, besides, the greatest folly and madness. 

Q. How is it contrary to the law of God ? 

A. The law of God says expressly "Thou shalt not w rest 
judgment ; thou shalt not take a gift." If it is a sin in a judge, 
it is much more in a law-oiver, or an elector; because the mischiefs 
occasioned by the first reach only to individuals ; those occasioned 
b) the latter may affect whole nations, and even generations to 
come. The Psalmist, describing the wicked, says, " His right 
hand is full of bribes." The Prophet, describing the righteous, 
tells us, " He shake I h his hands from holding a bribe." Samuel, 
justifying his innocence, appeals to the people, " Of whose hands 
have I taken a bribe ? " Then, as to Divine vengeance, holv 
Job tells us, " That God shall destroy the tabernacle of bribery." 
Therefore, he that taketh a bribe, may justly expect what is 
threatened in holy writ, " He shall not prosper in his way, 
neither shall his substance continue; his silver and gold shall 
not be able to deliver him in the daj T of the wrath of the Lord." 

Q. What do you think of those who are bribed by gluttony 
and drunkenness ? 

A. That they are viler than Esau, who sold his birth-right 
for a mess of pottage. 

Q. Why is my taking a bribe at an election folly or madness ? 

A. Because I must refund ten-fold in taxes what I take 
a^ a bribe, and the member who bought me has a fair pretext 
" me; nor can I in such a case have any just cause for 
iplaint. 



Q. What will you say, then, to the candidate who oilers 
you a bribe ? 

A. I will say, u Thy money perish with thee. As thou art 
now purchasing thy seat in parliament, I have just reason to 
suspect thou resolvest to sell thy vote. What thou offerest and 
what thou promisest ma}' be the price of the liberties of my 
country. I will not only reject thy bribe with disdain, but will 
vote against thee." 

Q. Is not the justice of the supreme magistrate or his prime 
minister sufficient security for the liberty of the people ? 

A. The people ought to have more security for all that is 
valuable in the world, than the will of a mortal and fallible man. 
Much has been said, and much has been written about patriotic 
rulers and patriotic ministers, but that is all patriotic nonsense. 
It is the principles of the constitution, the constant exercise of 
their elective powers, and those only, that must make the inha- 
bitants of this colony free and happy. It is their business as 
electors, it is their business as the people in general, to watch 
over and take care that the principles of our constitution be 
not evaded by any power in the State. If they will not do this 
they must perish ; for they will never find any patriotic adminis- 
tration that will do it for them. It is not the desire of any 
administration to have a sharp-eyed House of Commons to ovei- 
look them. They had much rather manage a House of Commons 
than be managed by one. The Governor-General summons 
persons to the Senate ; and so the last and best security for the 
liberties of the people is a House of Commons, genuine and 
independent. 

Q. What do you mean by a genuine House of Commons \ 
A. One that is the lawful issue of the people and no bastard. 

Q. How is a bastard House of Commons produced ? 

A. When the people by terror, corruption or other indirect 
means, choose such as they would not otherwise choose; or when 
sue]) as are fairly chosen are not returned, 



10 

Q. How may a House of Commons become dependent ? 

A. When the freedom of voting is destroyed by threatenings, 
promises, punishments and rewards; by the open force of the 
Government, or the insults ot the populace ; but above all by 
private influence ; for they who have the power of the Crown, 
have many ways of gratifying such as are subservient to their 
designs, and many ways of oppressing such as oppose them, 
and may do both within the boundsof the law. 

Q. Can a Queen have a mure faithful Council than a House 
of Commons, which speaks the sense of the people ? 

A. None ; for they will not only give her impartial 
counsel, but will powerfully and cheerfully assist her to execute 
what they advise, 

Q. What art- the qualities that render a person unfit and 
unworthy to serve in Parliament ? 

A. The representatives of a nation ought to consist ot the 
most wise, wealthy, sober and courageous of the people ; not 
men of mean spirit, little figure, and sordid passions, that would 
sell the interests of the people that chose them, to advance their 
own, or be at the beck of some great men, in hopes of prefer- 
ment to a good employ. Those that have fair estates, have, in a 
manner, given hostages to their country, and must be errant 
fools, before they can play the knave with us. The needy 
passenger regards not the ship's perishing, if he can save himself 
in the long boat, 01 gain advantage by the wreck. Shall we place 
within the walls of the House of Commons, men who were better 
secured within the walls of a common gaol, who can never pay 
their debts contracted by their prodigality, but out of our purses ; 
and must run us into debt, to free themselves from their own 
mortgages ' For all such persons (though some of them may be 
looked upon as honest men and good house-keepers) are in danger 
of being tempted to repair the decaj of their own private for- 
tunes at the cost of the public. Moreover, the choosing of such 
broken fortunes, decays trade, and ruins whole families ; if 
• I come to be the people's representatives, how can 



11 

they judge what it is expedient for the nation to spare, whose 
only eare is to get money to spend I 

We are not fond of receiving bribes and gratifications from 
persons who would make a prey of us, and by their purses, lavish 
treats, and entertainments, would allure us to prostitute our 
voices for their election ; we may be assured they would never 
bid so high for our suffrages, but that thev know where to have 
a return of what they spend with high interest. We will choose 
the worthy unwilling person, before the complimentary unworthy 
man, whose extraordinary forwardness indicates that he seeks not 
our good, but his own, separate from that of the public. Let us not 
play the fool or knave, to neglect or betray the common interest 
of our country, by a base election ; let neither fear, flattery nor 
gain bias us. Let us consider with ourselves what loosers we will be, 
if though we laugh and are merry one day, the person we choose, 
should give us and our children occasion to mourn for ever after. 
Let no one say he is but a single person — that one man cannot do 
much hurt. Silly man ! What if the electors in all other places 
should be as bad as ourselves ? Then the whole House would 
be of a piece ; and besides, is it not well known that sometimes 
a single vote has carried a measure, which perhaps was no less 
mischievous than irretrievable ? 

Make not our public choice the recompense of private 
favours \ it is not pleasing a neighbour, because rich and power- 
ful, but saving of Canada that we are to regard. Neither pay 
or return private obligations at the cost of the nation. Sir 
Blank Blank is a pretty gentleman and treats people civilly ; 
and my landlord is a good gentleman and has been kind ; and 
Such-a-one is the nearest Justice of the Peace — but yet 
I will not vote contrary to my conscience, or have any hand in 
a choice that may ruin my country, to gratify any or all of 
them. None must take it ill that we use our freedom about that, 
an institution which is the great bulwark of our liberties. 

We should take care of ambitious men and non-residents, 
such as live most about the town, and not in the country. These 
seek honors and preferment, and seldom enrich or are of any 
service to the country by their expenditure or hospitality. They 



12 

arc to(» inuch for themselves to act vigorously for the advantage 
of their country ; or, if in Parliament they do sometimes act as 
patriots, it is only that the party in power may notice them, and 
take them oft by some preferment. 

Elect not any spendthrift or profligate person, for besides 
that such are not conscientious enough for legislators, they are 
commonly idle, and though pussibly they may wish well to your 
interest, yet they will rather neglect it than their pleasures ; they 
will scarce leave one of their nightly re veilings, to give you their 
attendance and service next day, and therefore they are not to 
be relied upon. To borrow the. words of a post-classic author: 
" Some senators are drawn from their duties by pleasure ; perhaps 
a party at tennis, bowls, cards, a coined}', a good fellow, a pack oi 
dogs, a cock-fighting or a horse match. And while they are 
thus employed, the vigilant faction steals a vote that is worth a 
kingdom. Some again are so transported with the vanity of 
dress and language, that rather than serve the public with one 
hair amiss, or with one broken period, they will let the public 
& I perish — mallent rempublifam turbiri quam cttfpillos. These 
' while their country lies at stake, are arranging the heads, polish- 

ing the phrase, and shaping the parts of a set speech, till it is 
too late to use it. Sloth and neglect are yet more dangerous in 
senators, in regard of surprises from the opposite faction; these 
tli ink a wet day, or a cold morning a sufficient discharge from 
attendance, and while they are taking t'other nap, or t'other 
bottle, the monarch perhaps has lost his crown, or the subject his 
liberty." 

Q Hitherto you have spoken in negatives, and described 
such as are not tit to be chosen as Members of Parliament; will 
you now describe those who arc fit for a trust of so great 

i in portal ice [ 

A. We must take care to choose such as are well known 
to l»e men of good principles, friends to religion, and of 
sufficient resolution and spirit to support it with their lives and 
fortunes. 



13 

We must endeavour to choose men of wisdom and courage, 
who will not be hectored out of the performance of their duties 
by the frowns and scowls of men. 

We must make it our business to choose such as are resolved 
to stand by and maintain the powers and privileges of Parliament, 
together with the power and just rights of the sovereign, accord- 
ing to the laws of the lands, so that the one may not encroach upon 
the other. And such as with a becoming courage will prosecute 
all traitors, and remove all corrupt and arbitrary ministers of 
state and wicked judges. 

We should take particular notice of those who are promoters 
of industry and improvement ; for such as labor to increase the 
growth and advantage of the country, will be very tender of 
yielding to anything that may weaken or impoverish it. 

Q. In short what are the marks of a person, worthy to serve 
his country in Parliament ? 

A. The marks of a good ruler given in scripture will serve 
for a Member of Parliament—" such as rule over you shall be 
men of truth, hating covetousness ; they shall not take a gift ; 
they shall not be afraid of the face of a man." Therefore I con- 
clude, that the marks of a good Member of Parliament are, 
independent means, integrity, courage, the being well affected to 
the constitution, having a knowledge of the state of the country, 
the being frugal of the money, careful of the prosperity, and 
zealous for the liberties of the people ; constant to the interest of 
the country in perilous times, and assiduous in attendance. 

Q. Who is most likely to take a bribe ? 
A. He who offers one. 

Q, Who is likely to be frugal of the people's money ? 
A. He who puts none of it in his own pocket. 

Q. You seem to be averse from choosing such as accept 
places and gratuities from the crown. What is your reason for 
this ? 



14 

A. 1 am far from thinking that a man may not serve his 
Queen ami his country at the same time. Nay, their true 
interests are inseparable. But my landlord's agent may be a very 
honest man: yet if 1 had any affairs to settle with my land- 
lord, I would choose my neighbor for referee rather than my 
landlord's agent. 

Q. Is a writ of election to the House of Commons like 
a summons to the Senate — where the crown nominates ? 

A. No. The crown is never to meddle in an electiou. 

Q. Why is assiduous attendance so necessary in a member ? 

A. Because a member of Parliament is entrusted with the 
lives, liberties and properties of the people, which have often 
been endangered by the non-attendance of members ; because 
if my representative do not attend, I may have a law imposed upon 
me to which I had no opportunity of refusing my assent. 

Q. What advantages do you propose from your resolving to 
promote the public tranquility ? 

A. All the advantages resulting from political society depend 
upon the public tranquilit}'. 

Q. Why should you bear with good temper and calmness, 
the defeat of your candidate for parliamentary honors ? 

A. There was a time when parliament was the chief arena 
and instrument of power, when it was necessary to sit there in 
order to assist to carry measures, or to support or oppose a policy. 
1 1 is scarcely so now, it has become rather a court where the decrees 
of the country are registered and reduced to shape, than where 
they are originated and concocted. It reflects and ventilates the 
conceptions and the desires and volitions of the people at large; 
it never creates them, it seldom guides or controls them; it only 
partially ami occasionally modifies them in giving them effect. 

It seems to me to be of primary importance that we should 
always bear in mind that the election of a representative is, after 
a |l only one among the many political functions of the citizen 
in ;i lire state. Apart from and above this duty, there lies upon 



15 

him the obligation, which he ean never east oft", to advance what 
he thinks the truth and the right by all those means of influenc- 
ino- his fellow-men which are more or less within the reach of 
all, and of which the growth of education every year augments 
the potency. Though he may fail to secure a representative in 
the ■ legislature, these other duties will remain to him; and no 
principle or argument shall receive my countenance which would 
tend to remove from my mind a sense of responsibility, constant, 
pressing, and unevadable, for the use- of my own powers and 
influence, within my own sphere, for the promotion ot the public 
good. 

Q. Prove that it is only by the aid of religion the state can 
attain its lower object — self-preservation and the protection of 
pei son and property; and its higher object — the moral and 
intellectual progress of the community ? 

A. Even with regard to its lower object, self-preservation, 
the state cannot avoid aiming at the moral and religious educa- 
tion of the people. The infliction of punishment requires in 
some cases the co-operation and in all the acquiescence of the 
people, and cannot be effective except when it is supported by some 
popular sympathy. Hence the state, in order to give effect to its 
punishments, must desire a corresponding moral education of the 
minds of its subjects. Again, the state must necessarily have 
a right of requiring from its citizens oaths of testimony, oaths 
of office, and the like, as a means of securing agreement 
between men's obligations and their duties, without which 
'government would not be possible. But oaths cannot produce 
their effect if men's minds be not religiously educated. The 
state, therefore, must desire the religious education of its 
citizens. Again, the state, in prohibiting offences against person 
and property, aims at producing not only quiet, but security. 
It seeks not only to prevent battery and robbery, which may, in 
particular cases, be effected by mere force, but, also, to make men 
feel secure that they shall not be beaten or robbed, which can 
only be done by making the citizens in general peaceable and 
honest, instead of being quarrelsome and rapacious. Even in this 



16 

nail <>f its office, therefore, the state aims at a moral education 
of its citizens. And thus, even while it looks to its lower 
objects — the mere existence of law, judicial process, and individual 
security — the state cannot avoid aiming at or requiring the moral 
and religious education of its subjects. 

But the state has higher duties than the mere protection of 
person and property. The existence of laws concerning marriage, 
for example, necessarily supposes that the state not only desires 
the continuance and comfort of its population, but aims also at 
the encouragement of chastity and virtue. Such laws are lessons 
as well as laws. And with regard to the higher object of men's 
actions — their moral and intellectual culture, (including in this, 
their religious culture also), many modes of conducting this cul- 
ture and gratifying the moral, intellectual and religious sympa- 
thies, are such as naturally draw men into associations, which 
exercise a great sway over their actions. In some rsspects, the 
convictions and feeling which bind together such associations may 
be said to exercise the supreme sway over men's actions ; for so 
far as men do act, their actions are, in the long run, determined 
by their conviction of what is right on moral and religious 
^rounds; and a government which is wrong on such grounds, 
will be destroyed, if its subjects are free to act. And though 
men may, for a long time, be subjugated by a government which 
they think contrary to morality and religion, this condition of 
things cannot be looked upon as one in which the state attains 
its objects. The state, the supreme authority, must have on its 
side the convictions and feelings which exercise the supreme 
swav. It must, therefore, have on its side the convictions and 
feelings which unite men in associations for moral, intellectual 
and religious purposes. If this be not so, the state has objects 
in which it fails, and which are higher than those in which it 
succeeds ; and a portion of its sovereignty passes from it into 
tli. hands of those who wield the authority of moral, intel- 
lectual and religious associations. It must, then, be an 
object of the state so to direct the education of its subjects 
that men's moral, intellectual and religious convictions may 
DQ i,ti its side; and that moral, intellectual and religious 



17 

associations may be subordinate to its sovereignty. Besides 
which, the Government, if it be conducted by intelligent, 
moral and religious men, will itself desire the intellectual, moral 
and religious progress of the community, and will wish to 
educate the people in such a manner that this progress may 
constantly go on. The state and the religious bodies have now 
long been separated, and exist in distinct forms, with different 
powers in various hands. We can no longer, even if it were 
desirable, expect to see an identification of church and state. 
The two powers are now distinct ; and we must now consider? 
not how they may again become one, but in what manner, and 
under what conditions they can best combine their influence. 
The state, as the state, cannot completely educate the people ; 
this can only be done by calling on the church to assist. 

The morality of all civilized nations, such as it is, has sprung 
out of the teaching of the church. If the state destroy, 
or even ignore the church, and determinedly dissociate itsell 
from it. we have no guarantee for the continuance of that moral 
influence on which most of the peace and well-being of society 
depends. . I do not mean, of course, that civil non-recognition 
would annihilate, or even materially weaken the church, but I 
think there is no doubt at all that it would very materially 
damage the state and make its tenure precarious. There is no other 
widely accepted moral code ready to replace Christianity, there- 
fore a statesman must take that as his working hypothesis. 

Q. What is the relation [of the clergy of the church to 
politics ? 

A. To disabuse the minds of men as to the rights and the 
powers of parliament, to make them see that immutable, laws of 
morality and social science cannot be set aside by the chance- 
medley voting of a legislative assembly; to teach that it is not in 
crude, intricate and intolerably multiplied statutes that national 
regeneration must be sought, but in the inculcation of self- 
sacrifice instead of selfish promotion of class interests, and in 
the moral regulation of the springs of human action ; to urge 
the need of extreme simplification of our political system 



18 

itstead of ever fresh complication of it ; these are some of the 
lessons the clergy ought to inculcate. What they have to do is 
not to swell the ranks of party, but to mitigate the evils of 
party. The clergy cannot, and ought not to enter into the 
sphere of mere party politics, but should address themselves to 
national and social politics instead. As there are great evils to 
be redressed, great abuses to be reformed, they must appear as 
Progressive Liberals; but as the reforms can be achieved only by a 
return to first principles, they must show themselves Conser- 
vatives in the truest sense by adducing and enforcing those 
principles, primaeval and immutable, but buried under the light, 
shifting opinions of the da} 7 , like megalithic Egyptian stataes 
beneath the sands. Their work is at once high and wide ; It is 
to inculcate political principles which spring naturally out of 
christian morality, out of that Christianity which, as Sir Edward 
Coke said long ago, is part of the common law of England. 









Wm 






APPENDIX. 



Those seeking further knowledge on the subjects introduced in tJi r 
foregoing Catechism, are directed to the following books : — 

AMOS, on the English Constitution, page 26, " Qualification of 
Electors." 

AMOS, on the Constitution, chap. 2, "The Houses of Parliament." 

BAGEHOT, the English Constitution, No. 6, " The House of 
Commons." 

BAILEY, on Political Representation, chap. 4, sec. 4, "The 
Relation of the Electors to the Community." 

" BOLINGBROKES POLITICAL TRACTS." 

BOWYER, on the Constitutional law of England, chap. 5, " The 
Qnalification of Electors and Members." 

" BRITISH LIBERTIES," page 164, " Choice of Members of 
Parliament." 

BROUGHAM, on the British Constitution, chap. 6, " Restraints 
on Voting." 

BURGH, Political Disquisitions, book 2, " Parliamentary Rep- 
resentation." 

"CANADIAN MONTHLY REVIEW," vol. 2, page 366 
"Political Corruption." 

" CATHOLIC WORLD, THE," 1883, August, page 709, " Moral- 
ity in the Public Schools." 

CHIPMAN, on Government, book 5, chap. 6, " Right of Suffrage, 
and Eligibility." 



20 

" CONTEMPORARY REVIEW," vol. 23, page 92, "The Clergy 
in Politics." 

COOKE, The History of Party, vol. 2, chap. 8, " The interference 
of the Crown and the Landed Gentry with Elections." 

COX. Institutions of English Government, book 1, chap. 8, 
" Parliamentary Corruption." 

COX, The British Commonwealth, chap. 13, "The Duties of 
Representatives." 

CREASY, The English Constitution, chap. 17, "Intelligence and 
Property must have Weight." 

De LOLME, The English Constitution, chaps. 11 and 12, " Th e 
Power of the People." 

DOUTRE, The Constitution of Canada, " Passim." 

'EDINBURGH REVIEW THE," vol. 96, page 452, "Repre- 
sentative Reform." 

ELECTION BY LOT, Anonymous Pamphlet, Montreal, 1884, 
" The Remedy for Political Corruption." 

FISCHER, on the English Constitution, chap. 4, " Electoral 
Corruption." 

" FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW," vol. 2, page 439, " The Electoral 
College;" vol, 3, page 559, "Parliamentary Reform;" vol. 
4, page 49, " Representation of Minorities ;" vol. 4, page 
421, " Principles of Representation ;" vol. 4, page 350, 
" Representative Government ;" vol. 4, page 266, " The 
English House of Commons;" vol. 4. page 560, "The 
Just Demand of the Working Man." 

« FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW, THE," vol. 34, page 690, " The 
Elections of the Future." 



21 

" FRASER'S MAGAZINE," vol. 90, page 679, " General Rep- 
resentation;" vol. 61, page 188, "Representation in Practice 
and Theory ;" vol. 61, page 527, " Representation of Wealth 
and Intelligence;" vol. 20, page 11, Infidelity in Modern 
Politics." 

"GALAXY MAGAZINE, THE," vol. 4, page 307, "Personal 
Representation." 

GREG, Political Problems, chaps. 9 and 10, " The Parliamentaiy 
Career, and the Price We Pay for Self-Go vernment." 

GREY, Parliamentary Government, chap. 3, '■ The Evils and 
Dangers of Parliamentary Government." 

GRIMKE, "The Nature and Tendency of Free Institutions, the 
Electoral Franchise, and the Election of Public Officers." 

HARE, on Representation, Representatives, Parliamentary and 
Municipal, chap. 12, " The Electoral Franchise." 

HARLE, A Career in the House of Commons, ohaps. 1 and 16,, 
" The Duties of a Member of Parliament." 

HARRIS, on Representation, "The Interests Requiring Repres- 
tation, and the Qualification of Members." 

HEARN, The Government of England, chap. 17, " Representa- 
tion, a Legal Expression of the Popular Will." 

HELPS, Thoughts upon Government, chap. 8, " Influence of the 
Elector over the Elected." 

HILDRETH, The Theory of Politics, chap. 6, " Delegated and 
Representative Authority." 

JAR\IS, The Republican, essay 10, " The Elective Franchise." 

KINNEAR, The Principles of Reform, chap. 1, "Educational 
Franchise." 



LIEBER, Political Ethics, book 5, chap 1, " Voting, and Influenc- 
ing Electors." 

"LITTEL'S LIVING AGE/' vol. 45, page 573, "Christianity and 
Politics." 

LORIMER, Political Progress, chaps. 14, 15 and 16. 

LORIMER, on Constitutionalism, chaps. 6 and 7, " Suffrage and 
Tests of Capacity." 

McCRARY, The American Law of Elections, paragraph 432, 
" Freedom of Elections." 

" MacHILLAN'S MAGAZINE," vol. 15, page 14, " Bribery at 
Elections;" vol. 10, Page 192, "Corruption;" vol. 10, page 
517, " Appeal to Moral Sense ;" vol. 23, page 437, " Hare's 
Scheme ;" vol. 4, page 97, " Mill's Representative Govern- 
ment ;" vol. 5, page 295, " Hare's Scheme." 

MILL, on Personal Representation, " The Personal Representa- 
tion of every Voter, and the Full Representatation of 
every Minority." 

" MONTH, THE," February, 1883, page 285, "Church and State 
in England."' 

NATIONAL REVIEW," 1883, vol. 1, page 864, "National 
Education.' 1 

NATIONAL UEVIE\V, r 1S83, vol. 2, page 153, " Are Parlia- 
mentary Institutions in Danger." 

'NATIONAL REVIEW," L 883, vol. 2, page 516, "Will party 
< lovernmenl continue to Work." 

NINETEENTH QJENTURY, THE," 1882, March, page 37s, 

The Spirit of Pait \ . 



23 

'NORTH BRITISH REVIEW," vol. 28, pag3 437, "Parlia- 
mentary Government ;" vol. 35, page 534, " Representative 
Government ;" vol. 6, page 250, " Religion in Relation to 
Politics." 

■O'BRIEN, Principles of Govrnment, chap. 5, ; ' Representation 
of the People, Minorities, Ballot, Qualification, Represen- 
tation by Taxation or Population, Allowances to Mem- 
bers." 

"OVERLAND MONTHLY MAGAZINE," vol. 7, page 497, 
" Bribery at Elections." 

RAMSAY, on the English Constitution, chap. 8, page 150, " The 
Elective Power of the People." 

RAMSAY, The Moralist and the Politician, section 98, "On 
Elections." 

RANSOME, on Constitutional Government, page 203, "The 
Interference of the Crown and Placemen." 

RUSSELL, on the Constitution, chap. 14, " Political Liberty ;" 
chap. 31, " The House of Commons." 

'•'SATURDAY REVIEW," 1883, January, page 101, "Election 
Expenses." 

"SATURDAY REVIEW," 1882, April, page 518, " Parliamen- 
tary Elections Bill." 

SEAMAN, The American System of Government, chap. 2, sec. 1 
" The Evils of Popular Elections in the United States." 

SEWELL, Christian Politics, chap. 24, " Popular Representation." 

STEPHENS, on the English Constitution, book 2, chap. 11, 
" The Election of Members of Parliament." 

SYME, Representative Government, chap. 6, " Members of 
Parliament not Representatives, but Trustees." 



24 

TAYLOR, The Statesman, chap. 16, " The Ethics of Politics." 

THORNTON, The Politician's Creed, vol. 1, sec, 22, " Reform in 
Parliament." 

TODD, Parliamentary Government^ introduction, " The Rep- 
resentative System." 

TREMENHEERE, The Principles of Government, page 72, " The 
Virtues of Individuals and Governments are the same." 

WHEWELL, The Elements of Morality, vol. 2, chaps. 15, 16, and 
17, ''The Relation of Church and State." 

WROTTESLEY, on Government and Legislation, chap. 5, "The 
Studies of Legislators." 

YEOMAN, A Study of Government, chap. 11, ." The Rights of 
Minorities."